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A decade after the Paris Climate Agreement was signed in 2015, it's becoming easier to see which countries have made the greatest progress in reducing greenhouse gas emissions—and which have gone in the opposite direction.

Biggest reductions in total emissions since 2015


The United States has achieved the largest absolute reduction in emissions since the Paris Agreement was signed.




Biggest increases in total emissions since 2015


By comparison, New Zealand's emissions have fallen by around 10% (8.3 million tonnes) since 2015—roughly one three-hundredth of China's increase over the same period.

Largest percentage reductions     Largest percentage increases

 

The Key takeaways

These figures highlight the challenge facing global climate policy. While many developed economies have reduced emissions substantially, rapid industrialisation and economic growth in several developing nations—particularly China and India—have more than offset many of those gains.

It also illustrates why New Zealand's contribution, while commendable domestically, represents only a very insignificantly small fraction of the overall global emissions picture.

New Zealand’s 2026 election is shaping up around one defining issue: Cost of Living. The argument is simple — The biggest factor influencing the cost of living is the huge increase in energy prices. Yes it is the Iranian War, but it is also that the last Labour Government “castrated” the New Zealand economy with Jacinda Ardern’s ban on oil and gas exploration.


New Zealand’s prosperity was built not just on agriculture,

but also on cheap, abundant electricity generated from hydro power.



For decades, affordable energy underpinned industry, exports, wages and living standards. However, that model is now under pressure as gas reserves decline, electricity demand rises, and hydro storage becomes increasingly vulnerable in dry years.


Current political responses lack realism. Wind and solar can help, but cannot fully guarantee supply during peak winter demand. Breaking up electricity companies or subsidising power bills does not create more generation.


My major criticism is based on Labour’s 2018 offshore oil and gas exploration ban, described as a pivotal decision that reduced future energy security without a credible replacement strategy.


Jacinda Ardern’s oil & gas ban has done

irreversable damage to the New Zealand economy.


While the current National-led Government has repealed the exploration ban, it has yet to make energy abundance central to its economic growth agenda. As gas availability declines, demand for electricity is rising sharply. Population growth, electric vehicles, decarbonisation and AI data centres all require more power. Our system has a structural weakness. Hydro dominates. In dry years, the lakes do not fill. Without gas, New Zealanders face shortages.


The responses are political statements, not grounded in reality. Labour says renewables are the answer. Wind and solar will help, but they cannot be relied on to produce electricity on a cold, still winter night when the lakes are low.


The core political choice presented is stark: pursue abundant, reliable and affordable energy to support economic growth and living standards — or accept a future of constrained supply, higher prices and weaker competitiveness.


The bottom line is that abundant energy is needed for growth and a high standard of living. This country has to choose - voters must understand what was at stake. On one side (National), a future of abundant, reliable, affordable energy — the foundation of high wages, competitive exports and rising living standards. On the other hand (Labour & the Greens), a future of managed scarcity — constrained supply, higher prices and declining competitiveness.

“No country ever became wealthier

by making energy scarcer.”


Key Takeaways

  • China holds an estimated 1.4 billion barrels of strategic crude oil inventory, more than the next nine largest stockpiles combined.


  • The US, Japan, and OECD Europe are the next-largest holders, reflecting decades of preparation for major oil supply shocks.


  • New Zealand buried its “head in the sand” – failing to learn from the likes of Norway. And worst still, Jacinda Ardern and her Labour government irrevocably damaged the New Zealand economy with their reckless ban on oil & gas exploration.

 

New Zealand sits near the bottom of the OECD for both oil inventory resilience and hydrocarbon self-sufficiency. While IEA members are required to hold emergency oil stocks equivalent to 90 days of net imports, New Zealand relies heavily on “ticket” arrangements (offshore contractual reserves) rather than large physical domestic stockpiles.


The closure of the Marsden Point refinery and declining Taranaki oil and gas production have materially weakened New Zealand’s energy security position.


New Zealand’s domestic oil production now covers only about 12% of oil demand, while gas reserves are also declining sharply. The country is expected to begin LNG imports from 2027, ending decades of gas self-sufficiency.


This leaves New Zealand unusually exposed within the OECD to major global supply disruptions, shipping interruptions, or geopolitical shocks affecting refined fuel imports.


“No country ever became wealthier

by making energy scarcer.”



Key Takeaways
  • China holds an estimated 1.4 billion barrels of strategic crude oil inventory, more than the next nine largest stockpiles combined.


  • The US, Japan, and OECD Europe are the next-largest holders, reflecting decades of preparation for major oil supply shocks.


  • New Zealand buried its “head in the sand” – failing to learn from the likes of Norway. And worst still, Jacinda Ardern and her Labour government irrevocably damaged the New Zealand economy with their reckless ban on oil & gas exploration.


New Zealand sits near the bottom of the OECD for both oil inventory resilience and hydrocarbon self-sufficiency. While IEA members are required to hold emergency oil stocks equivalent to 90 days of net imports, New Zealand relies heavily on “ticket” arrangements (offshore contractual reserves) rather than large physical domestic stockpiles.


The closure of the Marsden Point refinery and declining Taranaki oil and gas production have materially weakened New Zealand’s energy security position.


New Zealand’s domestic oil production now covers only about 12% of oil demand, while gas reserves are also declining sharply.


The country is expected to begin LNG imports from 2027, ending decades of gas self-sufficiency.


This leaves New Zealand unusually exposed within the OECD to major global supply disruptions, shipping interruptions, or geopolitical shocks affecting refined fuel imports.


“Reliable, affordable energy is the foundation

of every advanced economy.”

Fatih Birol (Executive Director of International Energy Agency) 

  • Andrew von Dadelszen
  • Apr 6

NOTE: If we look at the data below, the Roy Morgan poll is the most negative to National of all the polls - and has been continuously for the last 2.5 years. Despite this the voting intentions do make interesting reading:


A Deeply Fragmented Electorate by Gender & Age

The poll shows a very pronounced demographic split—arguably one of the clearest in recent NZ polling:

  • Men → strongly centre-right

  • Women → strongly centre-left

  • Older voters → more conservative

  • Younger voters → more progressive (especially women)

This is not marginal—it is structurally significant.

 

New Zealand is now running two parallel electorates:a male, older, centre-right bloc—and a younger, female, centre-left bloc. The election won’t be won in the middle of the spectrum.It will be won at the intersection of age and gender—particularly among women who are not yet locked into either camp.

Bottom Line

This poll is not just “close”—it reveals a structural realignment:

  • Gender has overtaken class as the key political divide

  • Age reinforces—but does not override—that divide

  • Election outcome will hinge on middle-aged women and younger men

 

Gender Divide (Very pronounced)

Men

  • 57% support the Government (National/ACT/NZ First)

  • 38.5% support Opposition

A ~18–19 point advantage for the centre-right

Women

  • 55.5% support Opposition (Labour/Greens/TPM)

  • 39.5% support Government

A ~16 point advantage for the centre-left


Interpretation

  • This is a textbook “gender polarisation” election

  • Comparable to trends seen in:

o   US (Trump-era gender gap)

o   UK (post-Brexit realignment)

Politically: Women are now the Opposition’s core base, whereas Men—especially older men—anchor the National-led Government


Age + Gender Interaction (Where it gets interesting)

1. Younger Men (18–49)

  • Opposition: 48% 

  • Government: 46.5% 

Essentially split / marginal lean left

Key takeaway:Young men are no longer a reliable right bloc


2. Older Men (50+)

  • Government: 67.5% 

  • Opposition: significantly lower

This is the Government’s strongest demographic by far

Key takeaway:Older men = electoral backbone of the coalition


3. Younger Women (18–49)

  • Strongly Opposition-leaning (implied from broader trend)

  • Very negative “country direction” sentiment

Likely the most anti-Government group

Key takeaway:This cohort is driving Labour/Greens momentum


4. Older Women (50+)

  • Opposition: 50% 

  • Government: 46.5% 

Slight lean left, but far more balanced

Key takeaway:Older women are the true swing bloc


Party-Level Signals by Demographic

From the breakdown:

  • National strongest with older men (44%)

  • Labour strongest with women 50+ (39%)

  • ACT heavily male-skewed

  • NZ First strongest among older voters (especially men)

This reinforces:

§ Right = older, male, status quo voters

§ Left = female, younger, change-oriented voters


Strategic Interpretation 

1. This election will be decided by women, not men

Men are already “locked in”:

  • Government has dominant male support

  • Opposition has dominant female support

The marginal vote sits with women 40–65


2. The Government has a demographic concentration risk

  • Heavily reliant on:

o   Older men

o   Provincial / traditional voters

Risk:

  • Limited growth ceiling

  • Vulnerable if turnout shifts


3. The Opposition coalition has a coalition-building advantage

  • Strong across:

o   Women

o   Younger voters

  • More demographically diverse

But:

  • Needs to convert sentiment into turnout 


4. Younger men are the true “floating voter bloc”

  • Almost perfectly split

This group will decide:
  • Urban electorates & Provincial swing seats

All comments regarding Local Government are my personal views, and do not purport to represent the views of our Regional Council – of which I am an elected representative.

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